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Kekristenan Kelt

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Sebuah Salib Celtic di Knock, Irlandia.

Kekristenan Kelt (Celtic Christianity) atau Kekristenan Insuler (Insular Christianity) merujuk secara luas untuk fitur-fitur tertentu dari agama Kristen yang umum, atau dianggap umum, di seluruh tempat yang menggunakan bahasa Keltik pada masa Awal Abad Pertengahan.[1] "Kekristenan Kelt" telah dipahami dengan tingkat kekhasan yang berbeda: beberapa penulis telah menjelaskan suatu "Gereja Kelt" tersendiri yang menyatukan orang Kelt dan membedakan mereka dari Gereja Katolik "Roma", sementara yang lain mengklasifikasikan hanya sebagai satu set praktik khas yang terjadi di sejumlah daerah.[2] Para sarjana sekarang menolak gagasan yang terdahulu, tetapi memperhatikan bahwa ada beberapa tradisi dan praktik yang digunakan dalam gereja-gereja di Irlandia dan Inggris yang tidak diterapkan lebih luas dalam dunia Kristen.[3] Ini termasuk sistem khas untuk menentukan penanggalan Paskah, gaya monastik mencukur ubun-ubun, sebuah sistem yang unik mengenai penebusan dosa, dan popularitas untuk menjalani "pengasingan bagi Kristus".[3] Selain itu, ada praktik-praktik lain yang berkembang dalam bagian-bagian tertentu di Inggris atau Irlandia, tetapi yang tidak tersebar di luar wilayah tertentu tersebut. Karenanya, istilah Kekristenan Kelt menunjukkan praktik kedaerahan di antara gereja-gereja insuler (terpisah) dan kaitannya, daripada perbedaan teologis yang sebenarnya.

Istilah "Gereja Kelt" sudah jarang dipakai oleh banyak sejarawan karena menyiratkan suatu entitas kesatuan dan teridentifikasi yang sama sekali terpisah dari mainstream Kristen Barat.[4] Yang lain lebih memilih istilah "Kekristenan Insuler".[5] Sebagaimana Patrick Wormald menjelaskan, "salah satu kesalahpahaman umum adalah bahwa ada suatu 'Gereja Romawi' yang ditentang secara nasional oleh bangsa 'Kelt'."[6] Di Jerman, digunakan istilah "Iroschottisch", di mana von Lutz Padberg menempatkannya juga pada dikotomi antara Kekristenan Irlandia-Skotlandia dan Kekristenan Romawi.[7] Wilayah berbahasa Keltik adalah bagian dari Kekristenan Latin secara keseluruhan pada suatu waktu di mana tidak ada variasi regional dari liturgi dan struktur yang signifikan dengan penghormatan kolektif secara umum bagi Uskup Roma yang sama kuatnya di daerah berbahasa Keltik.[8]

Meskipun demikian, beberapa tradisi khas dikembangkan dan menyebar ke Irlandia dan Britania Raya, terutama pada abad ke-6 dan ke-7. Beberapa elemen mungkin telah diperkenalkan ke Irlandia oleh St. Patrick yang berasal dari Britania, dan kemudian orang lain menyebarkan dari Irlandia ke Inggris melalui sistem misi Irlandia St. Columba. Sejarah gereja Irlandia, Wales, Skotlandia, Breton, Cornish, dan Manx bercabang secara signifikan setelah abad ke-8 (yang mengakibatkan perbedaan besar bahkan persaingan dengan tradisi Irlandia).[9] Minat akan subjek ini pada waktu kemudian telah menyebabkan serangkaian gerakan "kebangkitan kembali orang Kristen Kelt", yang telah membentuk persepsi populer dari budaya dan praktik keagamaan Kelt.

Definisi

"Kekristen Kelt" telah dipahami dengan cara yang berbeda pada waktu yang berbeda. Tulisan-tulisan pada topik ini sering mengatakan lebih lanjut tentang masa di saat mana mereka berasal daripada sejarah negara Kristen pada awal abad pertengahan di  wilayah yang berbahasa Keltik, dan banyak pengertian itu sekarang didiskreditkan dalam wacana akademik modern.[10][11] Salah satu fitur yang sangat menonjol dari Kekristenan Kelt adalah perbedaan khas inheren – dan umumnya menentang – Gereja Katolik.[12] Klaim umum lainnya adalah bahwa Kekristenan Kelt menolak otoritas Paus, kurang otoriter daripada Gereja Katolik, lebih spiritual, lebih ramah untuk perempuan, lebih terhubung dengan alam, dan lebih nyaman berhadapan dengan politeisme Kelt.[12] Salah satu pandangan, yang memperoleh traksi ilmiah substansial pada abad ke-19, adalah bahwa ada suatu "Gereja Kelt", suatu tubuh Kristus atau denominasi yang diorganisir secara signifikan menyatukan orang Kelt dan memisahkan mereka dari gereja "Roma" di benua Eropa.[13] Contohnya ditemukan di "Study of History" karya Toynbee, yang mengidentifikasi Kekristenan Kelt dengan sebuah "Peradaban Barat Jauh yang Digugurkan" – inti sebuah masyarakat baru, yang dicegah untuk berakar oleh Gereja Roma, bangsa Viking, dan Normandia.[14] Yang lain telah konten untuk berbicara tentang "Kekristenan Kelt" yang terdiri dari beberapa tradisi dan kepercayaan intrinsik untuk bangsa Kelt.[15]

Namun, para sarjana modern telah mengidentifikasi masalah dengan semua klaim ini, dan menemukan istilah "Kekristenan Kelt" bermasalah dalam dan dari dirinya sendiri.[1] Ide adanya "Gereja Kelt" ini ditolak mentah-mentah oleh para sarjana modern karena kurangnya bukti kuat.[15] Memang, ada tradisi gereja yang berbeda di Irlandia dan Inggris, masing-masing dengan praktik mereka sendiri, dan ada variasi lokal signifikan bahkan dalam masing-masing lingkungan individu Irlandia dan Inggris.[16] Sementara ada beberapa tradisi yang diketahui telah umum untuk gereja-gereja Irlandia dan Inggris, meskipun ini relatif sedikit. Bahkan kesamaan ini bukannya ada karena daerah itu bercorak "Kelt", melainkan karena sejarah dan faktor geografis lainnya. Selain itu, orang-orang Kristen dari Irlandia dan Inggris tidaklah "anti-Roma"; otoritas Roma dan kepausan juga dihormati kuat di daerah orang Kelt sebagaimana di wilayah lain di Eropa.[17] Caitlin Corning lebih lanjut mencatat bahwa "Irlandia dan Inggris tidak lebih pro-perempuan, pro-lingkungan, atau bahkan lebih rohani dari bagian Gereja lainnya."[12]

Sejarah

Britania Raya

Menurut tradisi Abad Pertengahan, Kekristenan tiba di Britania Raya dalam abad ke-1 atau ke-2.

Tradisi Pan-Keltik

Caitlin Corning mengidentifikasi empat kebiasaan umum yang terdapat pada gereja-gereja Irlandia dan Britania tetapi dijalankan di tempat lain dalam dunia Kristen.[18] Easter was originally dated according to Hebrew calendar, which tried to place Passover on the first full moon following the Spring equinox but did not always succeed. In his Life of Constantine, Eusebius records that the First Council of Nicaea (325) decided that all Christians should observe a common date for Easter separate from the Jewish calculations, according to the practice of the bishops of Rome and Alexandria.[19] Calculating the proper date of Easter (computus) then became a complicated process involving a lunisolar calendar, finding the first Sunday after an idealized Passover on the first full moon after the equinox.

Various tables were drawn up, aiming to produce the necessary alignment between the solar year and the phases of the calendrical moon. The less exact 8-year cycle was replaced by (or by the time of) Augustalis's treatise "On the measurement of Easter", which includes an 84-year cycle based on Meton. This was introduced to Britain, whose clerics at some point modified it to use the Julian calendar's original equinox on 25 March instead of the Nicaean equinox, which had already drifted to 21 March. This calendar was conserved by the Britons and Irish[20] while the Romans and French began to use the Victorian cycle of 532 years. The Romans (but not the French) then adopted the still-better work of Dionysius in 525, which brought them into harmony with the Church of Alexandria.

In the early 600s Christians in Ireland and Britain became aware of the divergence in dating between them and those in Europe. The first clash came in 602 when a synod of French bishops opposed the practices of the monasteries established by St Columbanus; he appealed to the pope but received no answer and finally moved from their jurisdiction. It was a primary concern for St Augustine and his mission, although Oswald's flight to Dál Riata and eventual restoration to his throne meant that Celtic practice was introduced to Northumbria until the 664 synod in Whitby. The groups furthest away from the Gregorian mission were generally the readiest to acknowledge the superiority of the new tables: the bishops of southern Ireland adopted the continental system at the Synod of Mag Léne (ca 630); the ca 697 Council of Birr saw the northern Irish bishops follow suit. The abbey at Iona and its satellites held out until 716,[21] while the Welsh did not adopt the Roman and Saxon computus until induced to do so around 768 by Elfodd, "archbishop" of Bangor.

Monastic tonsure

The "Roman" tonsure, in the shape of a crown, differing from the Irish tradition, which is unclear but involved shaving the hair from ear to ear in some fashion

All monks of the period, and apparently most or all clergy, kept a distinct tonsure, or method of cutting one's hair, to distinguish their social identity as men of the cloth. In Ireland men otherwise wore longish hair, and a shaved head was worn by slaves.[22]

The prevailing "Roman" custom was to shave a circle at the top of the head, leaving a halo of hair or corona; this was eventually associated with the imagery of Christ's Crown of Thorns.[23] The early material referring to the Celtic tonsure emphasises its distinctiveness from the Roman alternative and invariably connects its use to the Celtic dating of Easter.[24] Those preferring the Roman tonsure considered the Celtic custom extremely unorthodox, and associated it with the form of tonsure worn by the heresiarch Simon Magus.[25] This association appears in a 672 letter from Saint Aldhelm to King Geraint of Dumnonia, but it may have been circulating since the Synod of Whitby.[26] The tonsure is also mentioned in a passage, probably of the 7th century but attributed wrongly to Gildas: "Britones toti mundo contrarii, moribus Romanis inimici, non solum in missa sed in tonsura etiam" ("Britons are contrary to the whole world, enemies of Roman customs, not only in the Mass but also in regard to the tonsure").[27]

The exact shape of the Irish tonsure is unclear from the early sources, although they agree that the hair was in some way shorn over the head from ear to ear.[28] In 1639 James Ussher suggested a semi-circular shape, rounded in the front and culminating at a line between the ears.[29] This suggestion was accepted by many subsequent writers, but in 1703, Jean Mabillon put forth a new hypothesis, claiming that the entire forehead was shaven back to the ears. Mabillon's version was widely accepted, but contradicts the early sources.[30] In 2003 Daniel McCarthy suggested a triangular shape, with one side between the ears and a vertex towards the front of the head.[28] The Collectio canonum Hibernensis cites the authority of Saint Patrick as indicating that the custom originated with the swineherd of Lóegaire mac Néill, the king who opposed Patrick.[31]

Penitentials

Artikel utama: Penitential

In Christian Ireland – as well as Pictish and English peoples they Christianised – a distinctive form of penance developed, where confession was made privately to a priest, under the seal of secrecy, and where penance was given privately and ordinarily performed privately as well.[32] Certain handbooks were made, called "penitentials", designed as a guide for confessors and as a means of regularising the penance given for each particular sin.

In antiquity, penance had been a public ritual. Penitents were divided into a separate part of the church during liturgical worship, and they came to mass wearing sackcloth and ashes in a process known as exomologesis that often involved some form of general confession.[33] There is evidence that this public penance was preceded by a private confession to a bishop or priest (sacerdos), and it seems that, for some sins, private penance was allowed instead.[34] Nonetheless, penance and reconciliation was prevailingly a public rite (sometimes unrepeatable), which included absolution at its conclusion.[35]

The Irish penitential practice spread throughout the continent, where the form of public penance had fallen into disuse. Saint Columbanus was credited with introducing the medicamenta paentitentiae, the "medicines of penance", to Gaul at a time when they had come to be neglected.[36] Though the process met some resistance, by 1215 the practice had become established as the norm, with the Fourth Lateran Council establishing a canonical statute requiring confession at a minimum of once per year.

Peregrinatio

Artikel utama: Peregrinatio pro Christo

A final distinctive tradition common across Britain and Ireland was the popularity of peregrinatio pro Christo ("exile for Christ"). The term peregrinatio is Latin, and referred to the state of living or sojourning away from one's homeland in Roman law. It was later used by the Church Fathers, in particular Saint Augustine of Hippo, who wrote that Christians should live a life of peregrinatio in the present world while awaiting the Kingdom of God. Augustine's version of peregrinatio spread widely throughout the Christian church, but it took two additional unique meanings in Celtic countries.[37]

In the first sense, the penitentials prescribed permanent or temporary peregrinatio as penance for certain infractions. Additionally, there was a tradition of undertaking a voluntary peregrinatio pro Christo, in which individuals permanently left their homes and put themselves entirely in God's hands. In the Irish tradition there were two types of such peregrinatio, the "lesser" peregrinatio, involving leaving one's home area but not the island, and the "superior" peregrinatio, which meant leaving Ireland for good. This voluntary exile to spend one's life in a foreign land far from friends and family came to be termed the "white martyrdom".[38]

Most peregrini or exiles of this type were seeking personal spiritual fulfilment, but many became involved in missionary endeavours. The Briton Saint Patrick became the evangelist of Ireland during what he called his peregrinatio there, while Saint Samson left his home to ultimately become Bishop in Brittany. The Irishmen Columba and Columbanus similarly founded highly important religious communities after leaving their homes.[37] Irish-educated English Christians such as Gerald of Mayo, the Two Ewalds, Willehad, Willibrord, Wilfrid, Ceolfrith, and other English all followed these Irish traditions.

Other British and Irish traditions

A number of other distinctive traditions and practices existed (or are taken to have existed) in Britain or Ireland, but are not known to have been in use across the entire region. Different writers and commenters have identified different traditions as representative of so-called Celtic Christianity.[39]

Monastikisme

Excerpt from the Martyrology of Oengus

Monastic spirituality came to Britain and then Ireland from Gaul, by way of Lérins, Tours, and Auxerre. Its spirituality was heavily influenced by the Desert Fathers. According to Richard Woods, the familial, democratic, and decentralized aspects of Egyptian Christianity were better suited to structures and values of Celtic culture than was a legalistic diocesan form.[38] Monasteries tended to be cenobitical in that monks lived in separate cells but came together for common prayer, meals, and other functions. Some more austere ascetics became hermits living in remote locations in what came to be called the "green martyrdom".[38] An example of this would be Kevin of Glendalough and Cuthbert of Lindisfarne.


The claim is made that the true Ecclesiastical power in the Celtic world lay in the hands of abbots of monasteries, rather than the Bishop of Diocesess.[12][40] It is certain that the ideal of monasticism was universally esteemed in Celtic Christianity.[41] This was especially true in Ireland and areas evangelised by Irish missionaries, where monasteries and their abbots came to be vested with a great deal of ecclesiastical and secular power. Following the growth of the monastic movement in the 6th century, Abbots controlled not only individual monasteries, but also expansive estates and the secular communities that tended them.[42] As monastics, abbots were not necessarily ordained (i.e. they were not necessarily priests or bishops). They were usually descended from one of the many Irish royal families, and the founding regulations of the Abbey sometimes specified that the Abbotcy should if possible be kept within one family lineage.[43]

This focus on the monastery has led some scholars, most notably Kathleen Hughes, to argue that the monastic system came to be the dominant ecclesiastical structure in the Irish church, essentially replacing the earlier episcopal structure of the type found in most of the rest of the Christian world.[44] Hughes argued that the paruchia, or network of monasteries attached to an abbey, replaced the diocese as the chief administrative unit of the church, and the position of Abbot largely replaced that of Bishop in authority and prominence.[45] According to this model, Bishops were still needed, since certain sacramental functions were reserved only for the ordained, but they had little authority in the ecclesiastical structure.[46]

However, more recent scholarship, particularly the work of Donnchadh Ó Corráin and Richard Sharpe, has offered a more nuanced view of the interrelationships between the monastic system and the traditional Church structures.[44] Sharpe argues that there is no evidence that the paruchia overrode the diocese, or that the abbot replaced the Bishop;[41] Bishops still exercised ultimate spiritual authority and remained in charge of the diocesan clergy.[44] But either way, the monastic ideal was regarded as the utmost expression of the Christian life.[41]

The focus on powerful abbots and monasteries was limited to the Irish Church, however, and not in Britain. The British church employed an episcopal structure corresponding closely to the model used elsewhere in the Christian world.[12][40]

Irish monasticism was notable for its permeability. In permeable monasticism, people were able to move freely in and out of the monastic system at different points of life. Young boys and girls would enter the system to pursue Latin scholarship. Students would sometimes travel from faraway lands to enter the Irish monasteries. When these students became adults, they would leave the monastery to live out their lives. Eventually, these people would retire back to secure community provided by the monastery and stay until their death. However, some would stay within the monastery and become leaders. Since most of the clergy were Irish, native traditions were well-respected. Permeable monasticism popularised the use of vernacular and helped mesh the norms of secular and monastic element in Ireland, unlike other parts of Europe where monasteries were more isolated. Examples of these intertwining motifs can be seen in the hagiographies of St. Brigid and St. Columba.[47][halaman dibutuhkan]

This willingness to learn, and also to teach, was a hallmark of the "permeable monasticism" that so characterised the Irish monastery. While a hermitage was still the highest form of dedication, the monasteries were very open to allowing students and children within the walls for an education, without requiring them to become monks. These students were then allowed to leave and live within the community, and were welcomed back in their old age to retire in peace. This style of monasticism allowed for the monastery to connect with, and become a part of, the community at large. The availability of the monks to the people was instrumental in converting Ireland from paganism to Christianity, allowing a blend of the two cultures.[47][halaman dibutuhkan]

Wales

Artikel utama: Clas (ecclesiastical settlement)

According to hagiographies written some centuries later, Illtud and his pupils David, Gildas, and Deiniol were leading figures in 6th-century Britain.

Not far Llantwit Fawr stood Cadoc's foundation of Llancarfan, founded in the latter part of the fifth century. The son of Gwynllyw, a prince of South Wales, who before his death renounced the world to lead an eremitical life. Cadoc followed his father's example and received the religious habit from St. Tathai, an Irish monk, superior of a small community at Swent near Chepstow, in Monmouthshire. Returning to his native county, Cadoc built a church and monastery, which was called Llancarfan, or the "Church of the Stags". Here he established a monastery, college and hospital. The spot at first seemed an impossible one, and an almost inaccessible marsh, but he and his monks drained and cultivated it, transforming it into one of the most famous religious houses in South Wales.[48] His legend recounts that he daily fed a hundred clergy and a hundred soldiers, a hundred workmen, a hundred poor men, and the same number of widows. When thousands left the world and became monks, they very often did so as clansmen, dutifully following the example of their chief. Bishoprics, canonries, and parochial benefices passed from one to another member of the same family, and frequently from father to son. Their tribal character is a feature which Irish and Welsh monasteries had in common.[49][halaman dibutuhkan]

Illtud, said to have been an Armorican by descent, spent the first period of his religious life as a disciple of St. Cadoc at Llancarvan. He founded the monastery at Llantwit Major. The monastery stressed learning as well as devotion. One of his fellow students was Paul Aurelian, a key figure in Cornish monasticism.[50] Gildas the Wise was invited by Cadoc to deliver lectures in the monastery and spent a year there, during which he made a copy of a book of the Gospels, long treasured in the church of St. Cadoc.[48] One of the most notable pupils of Illtyd was St. Samson of Dol, who lived for a time the life of a hermit in a cave near the river Severn before founding a monastery in Brittany.

St David established his monastery on a promontory on the western sea. It was well placed to be a centre of Insular Christianity. When Alfred the Great sought a scholar for his court, he summoned Asser of Saint David's. Contemporary with David were Saint Teilo, Cadoc, Padarn, Beuno and Tysilio among them. It was from Illtud and his successors that the Irish sought guidance on matters of ritual and discipline. Finnian of Clonard studied under Cadoc at Llancarfan in Glamorgan.

Ireland

Finnian of Clonard is said to have trained the Twelve Apostles of Ireland at Clonard Abbey.

Saint John, evangelist portrait from the Book of Mulling, Irish, late 8th century

The achievements of insular art, in illuminated manuscripts like the Book of Kells, high crosses, and metalwork like the Ardagh Chalice remain very well known, and in the case of manuscript decoration had a profound influence on Western medieval art.[51] The manuscripts were certainly produced by and for monasteries, and the evidence suggests that metalwork was produced in both monastic and royal workshops, perhaps as well as secular commercial ones.[52]

In the 6th and 7th centuries, Irish monks established monastic institutions in parts of modern-day Scotland (especially Columba, also known as Colmcille or, in Old Irish, Colum Cille), and on the continent, particularly in Gaul (especially Columbanus). Monks from Iona under St. Aidan founded the See of Lindisfarne in Anglo-Saxon Northumbria in 635, whence Gaelic-Irish practice heavily influenced northern England.

Irish monks also founded monasteries across the continent, exerting influence greater than many more ancient continental centres.[53] The first issuance of a Papal privilege granting a monastery freedom from episcopal oversight was that of Pope Honorius I to Bobbio Abbey, one of Columbanus's institutions.[54]

At least in Ireland, the monastic system became increasingly secularised from the 8th century, as close ties between ruling families and monasteries became apparent. The major monasteries were now wealthy in land and had political importance. On occasion they made war either upon each other or took part in secular wars – a battle in 764 is supposed to have killed 200 from Durrow Abbey when they were defeated by Clonmacnoise.[55] From early periods the kin nature of many monasteries had meant that some married men were part of the community, supplying labour and with some rights, including in the election of Abbots (but obliged to abstain from sex during fasting periods). Some abbacies passed from father to son, and then even grandsons.[56] A revival of the ascetic tradition came in the second half of the century, with the culdee or "clients (vassals) of God" movement founding new monasteries detached from family groupings.[57]

Rule of Columbanus

The monasteries of the Irish missions, and many at home, adopted the Rule of Saint Columbanus, which was stricter than the Rule of Saint Benedict, the main alternative in the West. In particular there was more fasting and an emphasis on corporal punishment. For some generations monks trained by Irish missionaries continued to use the Rule and to found new monasteries using it, but most converted to the Benedictine Rule over the 8th and 9th centuries.[a]

Again, however, the Rule of Columbanus was used exclusively in monasteries in the Irish sphere of influence; it was not followed in British monasteries.

Baptism

Bede implies that in the time of Augustine of Canterbury, British churches used a baptismal rite that was in some way at variance with the Roman practice. According to Bede, the British Christians' failure to "complete" the Sacrament of Baptism was one of the three specific issues with British practice that Augustine could not overlook.[58] There is no indication as to how the baptism was "incomplete" according to the Roman custom. It may be that there was some difference in the confirmation rite, or that there was no confirmation at all.[59] At any rate, it is unlikely to have caused as much discord as the Easter controversy or the tonsure, as no other source mentions it.[59] As such there is no evidence that heterodox baptism figured into the practice of the Irish church.[12][40]

Accusations of Judaizing

A recurrent accusation levelled against the Irish throughout the Middle Ages is that they were Judaizers, which is to say that they observed certain religious rites after the manner of the Jews.[60] The belief that Irish Christians were Judaizers can be observed in three main areas: the Easter Controversy, the notion that the Irish practiced obsolete laws from the Old Testament and (not unrelated to this) the view that they adhered too closely to the Old Testament. Quite apart from the intricate theological concerns that underpinned the debate over Easter in early 7th-century Gaul, Columbanus also found himself accused of Quartodecimanism, a heresy whose central tenet was observing Easter on the same date as the eve of the Jewish Passover, namely the fourteenth day of the Jewish lunar month of Nisan. Although this false accusation was raised at a time of heightened political tensions between Columbanus and the Gallic bishops, some historians have cautioned that it ought not be dismissed as a mere ruse because the Gauls may have been genuinely worried about blurring the boundaries between Gallic Christians and their Jewish neighbours.[61] That the Irish practiced obsolete Old Testament laws is another accusation that repeats itself a number of times in the early Middle Ages, most famously in the case of the 8th-century Irish charismatic preacher, Clement Scotus I (fl. 745), who was condemned as a heretic, in part for urging followers to follow Old Testament law in such controversial matters as obliging a man to marry his widowed sister-in-law upon his brother’s death.[62] And finally, a good example for the Irish tendency to adhere closely to the Old Testament is the Hibernensis, a late 7th- or early 8th-century Irish canon law collection which was the first text of church law to draw heavily on the bible, and in particular the Old Testament, at a time when Christians were meant to be "dead to the old law" (Romans 7:4). In Scotland similar accusations surround the supposed cultural taboo concerning pork.

Celtic Christian revivalism

Ian Bradley notes that the recurrent interest in medieval Insular Christianity has led to successive revival movements he terms "Celtic Christian revivalism". According to Bradley, most, though not all, revivalists are non-Celts for whom Celtic Christianity has an "exotic and peripheral" appeal.[63] Adherents typically claim their revivals restore authentic practices and traits, though Bradley notes they reflect contemporary concerns and prejudices much more closely, and most are "at least partially inspired and driven by denominational and national rivalries, ecclesiastical and secular power politics, and an anti-Roman Catholic agenda." Though often inaccurate or distorted, the beliefs of these movements have greatly influenced popular conceptions of historical Celtic Christianity.[64]

Bradley traces the origins of Celtic Christian revivalism to the Middle Ages. In the 8th and 9th century, authors wrote idealised hagiographies of earlier saints, whose "golden age" of extraordinary holiness contrasted with the perceived corruption of later times. Similarly, the 12th- and 13th-century literary revival popularised and romanticised older Celtic traditions such as the Arthurian legend. These ideas were expanded during the English Reformation, as Protestant authors appropriated the concept of a "Celtic Church" as a native, anti-Roman predecessor to their own movement.[65]

In the 18th and 19th centuries, antiquarianism, the Romantic movement, and growing nationalism influenced ideas about what was becoming known as "Celtic Christianity". Beginning in the early 20th century, a full-fledged revival movement began, centred on the island of Iona and influenced by the Irish literary revival and more general Christian revivals. By the end of the 20th century, another wave of enthusiasm began, this time influenced by New Age ideals.[65] Today, a self-identification with and use of "Celtic Christianity" is common in countries such as Ireland, both among participants in established churches and independent groups.[66] -->

Lihat pula

Catatan

  1. ^ The main source for Columbanus's life or vita is recorded by Jonas of Bobbio, an Italian monk who entered the monastery in Bobbio in 618, three years after the Saint's death; Jonas wrote the life c. 643. This author lived during the abbacy of Attala, Columbanus's immediate successor, and his informants had been companions of the saint. Mabillon in the second volume of his "Acta Sanctorum O.S.B." gives the life in full, together with an appendix on the miracles of the saint, written by an anonymous member of the Bobbio community.

Referensi

  1. ^ a b Koch 2006, hlm. 431
  2. ^ Koch 2006, hlm. 431–432
  3. ^ a b Corning 2006, hlm. 18
  4. ^ Ó Cróinín 1995; Charles-Edwards 2000; Davies 1992, hlm. 12–21; Hughes 1981, hlm. 1–20; Kathleen Hughes, The Church in Early English Society (London, 1966); W. Davies and P. Wormald, The Celtic Church (Audio Learning Tapes, 1980).
  5. ^ Brown 2003, hlm. 16, 51, 129, 132
  6. ^ Wormald 2006, hlm. 207
  7. ^ Padberg, Lutz von (1998). Die Christianisierung Europas im Mittelalter. Reclam. ISBN 9783150170151. 
  8. ^ Sharpe 1984, hlm. 230-270; Wormald 2006, hlm. 207–208, 220 n. 3
  9. ^ Wormald 2006, hlm. 223–224 n. 1
  10. ^ Corning 2006, hlm. xii
  11. ^ Bradley 1999, hlm. vii–ix
  12. ^ a b c d e f Corning 2006, hlm. 1
  13. ^ Koch 2006, hlm. 432
  14. ^ Toynbee, Arnold; Somervell, David (1987). A Study of History: Abridgment of, Volumes 1-6. New York: Oxford U Press. hlm. 154–156. ISBN 978-0195050806. 
  15. ^ a b Koch 2006, hlm. 432–434
  16. ^ Corning 2006, hlm. 4
  17. ^ Corning 2006, hlm. 1, 4
  18. ^ Corning 2006, hlm. 1–19
  19. ^ Constantine (325), "Letter on the Keeping of Easter to those not present at Nicaea", dalam Eusebius of Caesaria, The Life of Constantine, III (dipublikasikan tanggal 1996), §18–20, ISBN 1-56085-072-8 
  20. ^ Wormald 2006, hlm. 224 n. 1
  21. ^ John 2000, hlm. 34
  22. ^ Ryan 1931, hlm. 217
  23. ^ McCarthy 2003, hlm. 146
  24. ^ McCarthy 2003, hlm. 140
  25. ^ McCarthy 2003, hlm. 141–143
  26. ^ McCarthy 2003, hlm. 141
  27. ^ A. W. Haddan and W. Stubbs (ed.), Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents Relating to Great Britain and Ireland, 3 vols (Oxford, 1869–78), I, 112-3
  28. ^ a b McCarthy 2003, hlm. 140-167
  29. ^ McCarthy 2003, hlm. 147–148
  30. ^ McCarthy 2003, hlm. 149
  31. ^ McCarthy 2003, hlm. 142–143
  32. ^ McNeill & Gamer 1938, hlm. 28
  33. ^ McNeill & Gamer 1938, hlm. 7–9
  34. ^ McNeill & Gamer 1938, hlm. 9–12
  35. ^ McNeill & Gamer 1938, hlm. 13–17
  36. ^ Brown 2003, hlm. 252
  37. ^ a b Corning 2006, hlm. 17
  38. ^ a b c Woods, Richard (Fall 1985). "The Spirituality of the Celtic Church". Spirituality Today. 37 (3): 243–255. Diarsipkan dari versi asli tanggal 3 November 2013. 
  39. ^ This list includes information from Plummer, Charles (1975) [1892]. "Excursus on the Paschal Controversy and Tonsure". Dalam Plummer, Charles. Venerablilis Baedae, Historiam Ecclesiasticam Gentis Anglorum. Oxford: Oxford University Press. hlm. 348–354. 
  40. ^ a b c Koch 2006, hlm. 433
  41. ^ a b c Herren & Brown 2002, hlm. 13
  42. ^ Hughes 2005, hlm. 311–312
  43. ^ Ó Cróinín, Dáibhí in Youngs 1989, hlm. 13–14
  44. ^ a b c Hughes 2005, hlm. 311 and note
  45. ^ Hughes 2005, hlm. 312
  46. ^ John 2000, hlm. 32–34
  47. ^ a b de Paor, Máire; de Paor, Liam (1958). Early Christian Ireland: Ancient Peoples and Places. Frederick A. Praeger. 
  48. ^ a b Chandlery,, Peter (1912). "Welsh Monastic Foundations". The Catholic Encyclopedia. 15. New York: Robert Appleton Company. Diakses tanggal 18 December 2015. 
  49. ^ Newell, E.J. (1895). "Chapter III". A History of the Welsh Church to the Dissolution of the Monasteries. London: Elliot Stock – via Internet Archive. 
  50. ^ Thurston, Herbert (1912). "Welsh Church". The Catholic Encyclopedia. 15. New York: Robert Appleton Company. Diakses tanggal 19 November 2013. 
  51. ^ Nordenfalk 1977[halaman dibutuhkan]; Pächt 1986[halaman dibutuhkan]
  52. ^ Youngs 1989, hlm. 15–16, 125
  53. ^ John 2000, hlm. 36
  54. ^ John 2000, hlm. 37
  55. ^ Hughes 2005, hlm. 317
  56. ^ Hughes 2005, hlm. 313, 316, 319
  57. ^ Hughes 2005, hlm. 319–320
  58. ^ Lloyd 1912, hlm. 175
  59. ^ a b Kesalahan pengutipan: Tag <ref> tidak sah; tidak ditemukan teks untuk ref bernama Lloyd177
  60. ^ Kesalahan pengutipan: Tag <ref> tidak sah; tidak ditemukan teks untuk ref bernama flech
  61. ^ Stancliffe 1992, hlm. 211-12
  62. ^ Meeder 2011, hlm. 251-80
  63. ^ Bradley 1999, hlm. viii–ix
  64. ^ Bradley 1999, hlm. ix
  65. ^ a b Bradley 1999, hlm. viii
  66. ^ Gierek, Bozena (2011). "Celtic spirituality in contemporary Ireland". Dalam Cosgrove, Olivia; Cox, Laurence; Kuhling, Carmen; Mulholland, Peter. Ireland's new religious movements: Alternative Spiritualities, Migrant Religions, the New Age and New Religious Movements. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars. hlm. 300–317. ISBN 978-1-4438-2588-7. OCLC 758707463. 

Daftar pustaka

Sumber primer

  • Adomnan (1991). Anderson, A.O.; Anderson, M.O., ed. Life of Columba (edisi ke-2nd). Oxford Medieval Texts. 
  • Williams, John, ed. (1860). Annales Cambriae. London: Longman, Green, Longman and Roberts – via Internet Archive. 
  • Bede (1896). Plummer, Charles, ed. Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Angelorum. Venerabilis Baedae Opera Historica. Oxonii: E Typographeo Clarendoniano – via Internet Archive. 
  • Cummian (1988). Walsh, Maura; Ó Cróinín, Dáibhí, ed. De controversia paschali and De ratione conputandi. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies. hlm. 93–5. 
  • Gildas (1848). Giles, J.A., ed. De Excidio Brittaniae. Six Old English Chronicles. London. 
  • Giles, J.A., ed. (1848). Historia Brittonum. Six Old English Chronicles. London. 
  • McNeill, John T.; Gamer, Helena M., ed. (1938). Medieval Handbooks of Penance. New York: Columba University Press. 
  • Patrick (Saint) (1998). Skinner, John, ed. Confessio. Diterjemahkan oleh John Skinner. Image. 
  • Baring-Gould, Sabine (1907). The Lives of the British Saints.  Scanned by Google; alphabetized.

Sumber sekunder

Pustaka tambahan

  • Cahill, Thomas (1996). How the Irish Saved Civilization. Anchor Books. ISBN 0-385-41849-3. 
  • Mayr-Harting, Henry (1991). The Coming of Christianity to Anglo-Saxon England (edisi ke-3rd). London: B.T. Batsford Ltd. 
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