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Konflik sektarian Maluku

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Konflik sektarian Kepulauan Maluku
Bagian dari konflik agama di Indonesia
Tentara TNI mengevakuasi pengungsi dari Ambon
Tanggal14 Januari 1999 – 13 Februari 2002
LokasiKepulauan Maluku (dengan gangguan yang sangat serius di Ambon dan Kepulauan Halmahera.)
HasilPiagam Malino II ditandatangani
Pihak terlibat

Kelompok Putih

Tokoh utama
  • Agus Wattimena †
  • Berty Loupatty
  • Alex Manuputty
  • Tonaas Wangko Lendy Wangke
  • Benny Betjara
Jumlah korban
Korban jiwa5,000-10,000 tewas[1]
Bagian dari seri mengenai
Sejarah Indonesia
Prasejarah
Manusia Jawa 1.000.000 BP
Manusia Flores 94.000–12.000 BP
Bencana alam Toba 75.000 BP
Kebudayaan Buni 400 SM
Kerajaan Hindu-Buddha
Kerajaan Kutai 400–1635
Kerajaan Tarumanagara 450–900
Kerajaan Kalingga 594–782
Kerajaan Melayu 671–1347
Kerajaan Sriwijaya 671–1028
Kerajaan Sunda 662–1579
Kerajaan Galuh 669–1482
Kerajaan Mataram 716–1016
Kerajaan Bali 914–1908
Kerajaan Kahuripan 1019–1045
Kerajaan Janggala 1045–1136
Kerajaan Kadiri 1045–1221
Kerajaan Singasari 1222–1292
Kerajaan Majapahit 1293–1478
Kerajaan Islam
Penyebaran Islam 800–1600
Kesultanan Peureulak 840–1292
Kerajaan Haru 1225–1613
Kesultanan Ternate 1257–1914
Kesultanan Samudera Pasai 1267–1521
Kesultanan Bone 1300–1905
Kerajaan Kaimana 1309–1963
Kesultanan Gowa 1320–1905
Kesultanan Limboto 1330–1863
Kerajaan Pagaruyung 1347–1833
Kesultanan Brunei 1368–1888
Kesultanan Gorontalo 1385–1878
Kesultanan Melaka 1405–1511
Kesultanan Sulu 1405–1851
Kesultanan Cirebon 1445–1677
Kesultanan Demak 1475–1554
Kesultanan Bolango 1482–1862
Kesultanan Aceh 1496–1903
Kesultanan Banten 1526–1813
Kesultanan Banjar 1526–1860
Kerajaan Kalinyamat 1527–1599
Kesultanan Johor 1528–1877
Kesultanan Pajang 1568–1586
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Kesultanan Bima 1620–1958
Kesultanan Palembang 1659–1823
Kesultanan Sumbawa 1674–1958
Kesultanan Kasepuhan 1679–1815
Kesultanan Kanoman 1679–1815
Kesultanan Siak 1723–1945
Kesunanan Surakarta 1745–1946
Kesultanan Yogyakarta 1755–1945
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Kerajaan Kristen
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Kolonialisme Eropa
Portugis 1512–1850
VOC 1602–1800
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Hindia Belanda 1800–1949
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Hari Patriotik 23 Januari 1942 1942
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Konflik sektarian Kepulauan Maluku adalah konflik etnis-politik yang melibatkan agama di kepulauan Maluku, Indonesia, khususnya pulau Ambon dan Halmahera. Konflik ini bermula pada era Reformasi awal 1999 hingga penandatanganan Piagam Malino II tanggal 13 Februari 2002.

Penyebab utama konflik ini adalah ketidakstabilan politik dan ekonomi secara umum di Indonesia setelah Soeharto tumbang dan rupiah mengalami devaluasi selama dan seusai krisis ekonomi di Asia Tenggara.[2] Rencana pemekaran provinsi Maluku menjadi Maluku dan Maluku Utara semakin memperuncing permasalahan politik daerah yang sudah ada.[3][4] Karena permasalahan politik tersebut menyangkut agama, perseteruan terjadi antara umat Kristen dan Islam pada Januari 1999. Perseteruan ini dengan cepat berubah menjadi pertempuran dan tindak kekerasan terhadap warga sipil oleh kedua belah pihak.[5] Dua pihak utama yang terlibat konflik ini adalah kelompok milisi agama dari kedua pihak,[6] termasuk kelompok Islamis bernama Laskar Jihad,[7] dan Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia.[8]

Ringkasan

Meskipun semua kekerasan yang terjadi selama periode empat tahun ini tidak dapat dikaitkan secara langsung dengan isu-isu politik atau sektarian, karena sebagian besar kekerasan dapat dikaitkan dengan kejahatan oportunistik, kekerasan tersebut dikategorikan berdasarkan kampanye bersenjata kelompok milisi lokal yang menargetkan hampir secara eksklusif terhadap penduduk sipil di pulau-pulau tersebut.[9] Hal ini juga termasuk kelompok milisi Laskar Jihad, yang terdiri dari para pejuang terlatih dari wilayah mayoritas Muslim lainnya di Indonesia, yang melakukan kampanye pada tahap akhir konflik untuk mengusir penduduk Kristen di Maluku.[10][11] Di sisi lain, dalam beberapa kasus, milisi Kristen juga melakukan penyerangan dan pembantaian terhadap umat Islam, tepatnya pada hari raya Idul Fitri, 19 Januari 1999 di Tobelo.[12] Sifat kekerasan tersebut dimaksudkan untuk menggusur anggota komunitas saingannya, karena kekerasan tersebut mengambil bentuk penggusuran massal melalui penggunaan intimidasi dan pelecehan, diikuti dengan serangan keji terhadap kelompok besar penduduk setempat dan serangan pembakaran terhadap tempat tinggal mereka atau bahkan seluruh rumah. lingkungan yang dalam beberapa kasus dapat disebut sebagai pogrom.[10][13][14][15] Salah satu contohnya adalah pada bulan April 1999, seluruh warga Kristen diusir dari Kepulauan Banda.[16]

Meskipun menembakkan sekitar 80% dari seluruh amunisi yang dihabiskan dalam pertempuran tersebut,[17] Kepolisian dan TNI mengaku netral sepanjang konflik. Namun, pihak berwenang dikritik karena tidak mencegah serangan dan tuduhan bias etnis dan agama dituduhkan oleh kedua komunitas tersebut.[18][19][20] khususnya sejumlah tentara menyerahkan senjata milik negara, sebagian besar kepada anggota milisi Muslim, dan mengatakan bahwa senjata tersebut digunakan dalam serangan dan kekejaman yang terjadi kemudian.[21]Dalam beberapa kasus, personel baik militer maupun polisi dilaporkan telah bergabung dengan milisi agama mereka masing-masing, dan sebanyak 350 personel militer diduga membantu dan berjuang bersama para pejuang Muslim.[17] Awalnya kelompok-kelompok milisi lokal mengorganisir diri mereka sebagai 'pembela' dan 'pelindung' komunitas mereka dari serangan lawan, dengan mendirikan posko atau pos komando karena tidak adanya tindakan dari Polisi, namun hal ini dengan cepat berkembang menjadi titik mobilisasi geng-geng lokal untuk melancarkan serangan.[22]

Konflik ini mempunyai dampak yang signifikan terhadap 2,1 juta penduduk di Maluku dan sekitarnya. Menjelang perjanjian Malino, International Crisis Group memperkirakan 700.000 orang telah mengungsi akibat empat tahun pertempuran di Maluku yang diperkirakan telah memakan korban minimal 5.000 jiwa..[23] Hal ini merupakan perpindahan pengungsi terbesar sejak federasi negara Indonesia dan mayoritas dari 1,4 juta pengungsi dalam negeri yang dilaporkan pada bulan Februari 2002 oleh Program Pangan Dunia.[24]

Latar belakang

Faktor politik dan ekonomi

Desentralisasi mendorong upaya baru pada tahun 1998 agar pulau-pulau di bagian utara maluku memisahkan diri dari provinsi maluku. Pemisahan diri ini didukung oleh semua pihak, baik agama maupun politik, karena warganya mempunyai kekhawatiran yang sama mengenai kesulitan logistik terkait dengan jarak di wilayah tersebut, perampasan kekayaan ekonomi oleh pihak luar, dan pemerintahan yang jauh dan tidak terlibat di Ambon. Gerakan ini mendapat dukungan penting dari gubernur provinsi Maluku saat itu, Saleh Latuconsina, dan setelah dilakukan lobi oleh para anggota DPRD dan aktivis mahasiswa terkemuka di Maluku Utara, pada bulan Februari 1999, presiden saat itu, Jusuf Habibie, berjanji untuk membentuk provinsi baru di Maluku Utara.

Pemerintahan otoriter Suharto (Orde Baru), yang menjadi subordinat hierarki agama Kristen dan Muslim seperti Al-Khaira'at dan Gereja Protestan Maluku, telah memberikan kelompok tersebut kekuasaan koersif atas komunitas mereka masing-masing dan menjamin struktur majelis dan dewan lokal yang relatif stabil. distribusi kekuasaan selama beberapa dekade sebelumnya. Mengidentifikasikan diri dengan kelompok agama yang memegang kekuasaan politik memungkinkan seseorang mengakses jaringan yang memberikan bantuan, perlindungan dari kejahatan dan manfaat praktis lainnya bagi anggotanya dan, seperti yang disarankan oleh ilmuwan politik Gerry van Klinken, jaringan ini memungkinkan terjadinya perselisihan kecil mengenai hal ini. permukaan jalan tersebar di sebagian besar masyarakat Maluku. Namun, jatuhnya struktur Orde Baru secara nasional dan desentralisasi memungkinkan persaingan pemilu yang terbuka dan kompetitif untuk mendapatkan posisi-posisi pemerintahan di tingkat daerah, yang memiliki prestise dan keuntungan ekonomi, menimbulkan keraguan mengenai jumlah pemilih yang dapat diklaim oleh masing-masing kelompok dan jumlah tersebut berada dalam batas yang ditentukan. kepentingan terbaik semua kelompok penting untuk memobilisasi dukungan bagi tujuan mereka masing-masing.[25]

Di provinsi Maluku Utara yang akan segera dibentuk, persaingan untuk mendapatkan posisi administratif yang baru sebagian besar terjadi antara calon gubernur Sultan Ternate, Mudaffar Sjah, yang mengandalkan dukungan dari Gereja Injili Halmahera (GMIH) yang berpengaruh, dan bupati Muslim Makian. dari Halmahera Tengah, Bahar Andili. Perombakan wilayah administratif dan perselisihan antara Tidore dan Ternate mengenai lokasi ibu kota yang akan segera menjadi ibu kota menimbulkan keraguan terhadap kelangsungan berbagai struktur kekuasaan yang ada dan mereka yang dipekerjakan oleh kelompok-kelompok yang membentuk struktur tersebut..[26]

Kekuasaan ekonomi di Ambon sejak pertengahan tahun 1980an dan seterusnya dipegang oleh pegawai negeri sipil, kata P. M. Laksono, dan gaji serta bantuan keuangan mereka dari Jakarta menyumbang sebagian besar kekayaan yang masuk ke wilayah Maluku, karena produksi pertanian dan kelautan setempat sebagian besar bersifat subsisten dan komersial. operasi penangkapan ikan sebagian besar dimiliki asing. Beberapa perkiraan menyebutkan bahwa pekerjaan langsung sebagai pegawai negeri menyumbang seperempat dari total pekerjaan di Ambon dan angka dari tahun 1990 menyatakan bahwa 38% pekerja di Ternate dipekerjakan oleh pemerintah. Ketergantungan pada jumlah jabatan pelayanan publik yang umumnya statis menyebabkan pengangguran kaum muda di Ambon sangat tinggi; di Benteng di Ambon 73,2% penduduk terdaftar sebagai belum bekerja pada tahun 1994,[16] dan para pemuda yang tidak puas inilah yang sebagian besar menjadi prajurit dalam konflik tersebut.

Namun kekerasan yang terjadi tidak dapat sepenuhnya dikaitkan dengan institusi politik atau agama; selama perselisihan komunal sebelum pecahnya kekerasan yang meluas, antara lain, di desa Wakal dan Hative Besar di Ambon, perwakilan mereka bertindak untuk memitigasi konflik tetapi dalam kasus tersebut banyak yang diabaikan.[27]

Overview of the conflict

Faktor adat

Damage to Ambon City in 2001. Apartments fortified with sandbags can be seen in foreground.

Perubahan demografi juga disebut-sebut sebagai salah satu faktor penyebab ketegangan. Isu-isu khusus terkait dengan gangguan terhadap hak adat atas tanah, yang merupakan hal yang umum bagi komunitas agama asli Maluku, namun tidak terlalu menjadi perhatian para pendatang baru yang tidak tertarik pada sistem aliansi tradisional.

Penduduk Ambon sangat menganut teori pela gandung, yang menyatakan bahwa desa-desa, yang seringkali berbeda keyakinan agamanya, 'diikat oleh darah' untuk membantu satu sama lain dan perkawinan antar anggota desa dilarang, karena mereka adalah saudara sedarah. kerabat. Setiap pelanggaran terhadap aturan-aturan ini akan dihukum berat dengan kutukan dari nenek moyang yang mendirikan lembaga tersebut. Aliansi ini memfasilitasi hubungan yang memungkinkan perdamaian antar desa yang berstruktur kaku, baik yang sepenuhnya Kristen atau Islam, dan telah membentuk unit politik terbesar masyarakat Maluku sebelum adanya negara Indonesia. Namun, sistem ini tidak dapat mengakomodasi kepemilikan tanah dari pemilik tanah transmigran non-lokal dan berbasis desa.

Adat istiadat setempat yang menjaga rasa hormat ini juga telah dirusak oleh reformasi Islam, yang populer di Ternate pada tahun 1980-an, dan fatwa Persatuan Ulama Indonesia tahun 1981 yang melarang umat Kristiani berpartisipasi pada hari raya Islam yang membantu pemisahan komunitas agama.[26]

Faktor etnis

Ambon dan pulau-pulau sekitarnya mempunyai jumlah warga Kristen dan Muslim yang kira-kira sama pada tahun-tahun sebelum krisis. Namun, dalam periode tiga dekade setelah tahun 1969, sekitar 98.000 orang dimukimkan kembali di Maluku sebagai bagian dari program transmigrasi resmi pemerintah, sebagian besar adalah orang Bugis, Makassar atau Muslim lainnya dari Sulawesi Selatan. Para migran independen selanjutnya juga menetap di Maluku dan pada bulan Februari 1999 surat kabar nasional, Kompas, memperkirakan 225.000 migran dari Sulawesi Selatan telah menetap di Kepulauan Maluku dan 30.000 diantaranya tinggal di Ambon. Pemilik suku Bugis dan Buton dengan cepat meningkatkan pangsa pedagang dan perdagangan eceran mereka di Ambon hingga pasar-pasar tersebut secara khusus menjadi sasaran geng-geng Kristen pada tahap-tahap awal pertempuran di Kota Ambon sebagai cara untuk merugikan komunitas Muslim.[28][27]

Pergeseran ini berkontribusi pada peningkatan keterwakilan birokrasi dan politik umat Islam di kabupaten-kabupaten Maluku, dengan terpilihnya dua gubernur Muslim berturut-turut pada tahun 1992 dan 1997 yang mulai mengisi lowongan pegawai negeri dengan orang-orang Muslim yang diangkat, dan disebut-sebut menciptakan kegelisahan dalam komunitas Kristen. tentang potensi Islamisasi di Maluku, yang berkontribusi terhadap ketegangan sektarian.[23][29]

Pada tahap-tahap awal konflik, perpindahan penduduk dalam skala besar dari Ambon ke Maluku Utara, khususnya Ternate, dan rumor serta kejahatan yang diceritakan oleh para pengungsi kepada penduduk setempat disebut-sebut sebagai faktor meningkatnya ketegangan sektarian dan kekerasan awal di masa awal konflik. Maluku Utara pada bulan Agustus 1999.[30][31]

North Halmahera land disputes

In North Maluku the population was 85% Muslim prior to the start of conflict.[26][32] There had been a steady exodus of Makianese from the island of Makian to Ternate and the northern regions of Halmahera.[33] Dozens of villages had been established and populated by Makianese transmigrants who had moved there from the neighbouring island during the 1970s, following fears of a volcanic eruption.[33][34] Some of the migrant Makianese had been shifted to live and cultivate on or near land traditionally claimed by the Jailolo and Kao ethno-linguistic groups, and claims to the land became more forceful with the discovery of gold deposits in the 1990s and the announcement of an Australian owned mine to open in mid-1999.[35][36]

Resentment of the increasing influence of Makianese was not restricted to the Christian minorities, with mistrust aired in Ternate and Tidore following their attainment of important regional positions outside the traditional Makianese homeland.[26]

The dispute over land rights acquired a religious edge as the migrant Makianese were mostly Muslim while the 'indigenous' Jailolo and Kao were predominantly Protestant,[36] however, there had also been a steady transmigration of Muslim Javanese to the Kao lands (even though the indigenous Christian population had been cooperative with the new residents).[26]

In 1999 the Kao and Jailolo claims received backing from the Sultan of Ternate and Protestant ethno-political groups, while the Makianese were supported by Muslim candidates, in their respective attempts to assume governorship of the newly established North Maluku province.[37] During 1999, the national government agreed with Makian lobbyists to create a new Muslim majority Malifut sub-district, or kecamatan, which incorporated 16 Makianese settlements, several villages of Christian Pagu and Kao and the strategic gold deposits on the disputed lands.[35][36] The Pagu did not wish to be ruled by a Makian majority local government and viewed the ruling as an attempt to damage the traditional unity of the Kao tribes.[26] The first communal violence in Halmahera coincided with 18 August formal inauguration of the Malifut sub-district.[26][35][36]

Criminal factors

The crisis was also allegedly permeated by the rivalry of two large semi-criminal gangs that operated in Ambon and, allegedly, Jakarta. The gangs possessed a quasi-religious identity; the 'Reds' identifying as Christian and 'Whites' as Muslim, and had prepared contingency plans for an attack from the other prior to the start of conflict in 1999.[29]

The Human Rights Watch report concerning Ambon hostilities cites a major communal confrontation of Ambonese migrants in the Ketapang area of Jakarta on 22 November 1998,[23] which saw up to 14 killed[16] and numerous church burnings following rumors that Christian Ambonese guards of a significant gambling house had destroyed a Mosque.[38][39] Most of the 180 arrested in the immediate aftermath of the violence were of Ambonese origin.[38]

In the several months prior to the start of hostilities a few hundred Ambonese returned from Jakarta[23][39] and it has been asserted that some were loyal to the leaders of criminal gangs,[38][40] however, it cannot be independently confirmed whether these were agents provocateurs or workers returning to avoid retaliation.[38]

Soon-to-be president Abdurrahman Wahid indicated that the individual personally responsible for the Ambon unrest was Yorrys Raweyai, the leader of mercenary group Pancasila Youth that had been known to act as hired "muscle" for the Suharto administration activities.[38][41] While the agent provocateur theory remains popular as an explanation for the start of the crisis, of the 100 or so people arrested for crimes committed during the Ambon unrest, only two have been charged for incitement and neither is believed to be an external agent.[38][41]

Timeline of conflict in Southern Maluku

First Ambon riots

On 14 January 1999, there had been a riot between rival villages in Dobo, of the Aru Islands Regency, that killed up to 12 people,[16][42][43] however, the broad scale violence of the Maluku conflict began on Idul Fitri, an Islamic holiday that was on 19 January 1999.[16][42][44] Fighting in Ambon City during the first 3 or so days claimed anywhere from 43 to 65 lives,[45][46][47] with bodies discovered weeks after in the ruins of Ambon.[48] Over 100 were seriously injured at least 10 houses of worship had been destroyed,[49] with the loss of homes and significant retail services forcing the displacement of up to 20,000 residents.[50][51] Ambon airport was closed and a curfew applied in the town for the week after.[46][50] The weapons used in this early period of rioting were mainly machetes, flaming arrows, spears, and other traditional weapons, and arson was as widespread as it would be throughout the conflict.[22][50][52]

Initial 19 January confrontation

It is widely recorded that the initial confrontation that sparked the conflict was between a Christian minibus driver and either some Bugis youths,[26][27][53] a drunk[54] or a Muslim conductor,[27] near a bus terminal in Batu Merah village. Despite the differing accounts, it is agreed that a mob, Church reports state some 600 people,[27] of Muslim residents gathered and marched upon the Christian areas of Batu Merah at approximately 16:00 (UTC+9), where they torched numerous houses and several businesses by Mardika market.[27] The group had been driven on by incorrect rumors that the local mosque had been torched and faced little opposition from the police force, which only fielded ten lightly armed intelligence members due to the holiday.[27] More Christian houses were burnt in Silale and Waihaong kampungs later in the afternoon and the first church was torched also.[27] Throughout this initial confrontation it was widely observed that the violence was directed by people from outside the area.[16][27]

After hearing of the destruction of homes, Christian residents gathered outside Kudamati church to launch a counter-offensive and defend those at Mardika, but were blocked by a Muslim crowd at Waringin in the first direct clash of the two sects with the largest confrontation at Mardika plaza.[55][27] A truck carrying 50 unidentified youths is alleged to have arrived in Waringin around 17:00 (UTC+9) and the occupants were seen damaging homes and other property with metal bars and rocks,[27] but residents of Waringin claim they fended off the attacks. There had not yet been any casualties and police assured Waringin residents they could return home safely.[27]

At 20:00 (UTC+9) in the evening, around 30 Christians fought back a crowd of Muslims attempting to enter the Silo church, while others were observed gathering to destroy kiosks and pedicabs owned by Muslim Bugis and Butonese.[27] All witnesses describe that by this time violent parties were identifying themselves with either red scarfs or headbands, to signify Christians, or white cloths on their wrists to signify Muslims[9][16][56][57] as they had been instructed by the head of an information post at the al-Fatah mosque.[27]

Commencement of civil disobedience in Ambon

On the night of 19 January, witnesses report that large, and allegedly well organised, groups of Christian rioters entered Kampung Paradeys in several waves, smashing and looting from Muslim homes on the orders of an unknown leader.[27] The targets of the attackers were Buton, Bugis and Javanese migrants, however, the mob was indiscriminate in the burning of Muslim houses in the neighbourhood.[27]

In Waringin, Christian rioters are alleged to have attacked the property of Muslim locals multiple times during the night, injuring 6, and some Christians identified as from the Nusaniwe subdistrict attacked again with Molotov cocktails around 10:00 (UTC+9) on 20 January, igniting fires that are claimed to have caused the destruction by arson of 120 houses.[27] This destruction heralded the first large-scale displacement of people, as 240 households took refuge in other Muslim kampung,[22] contributing to the estimated 3,000 that fled in the initial 3 days of fighting.[50]

During the early morning of 20 January, Christian mobs burned the overwhelmingly Bugis-owned stalls of the Pelita, Gambus and Mardika markets while a large settlement of Butonese people around the Gambus market was also looted and destroyed. An Islamic elementary school and kindergarten were also burned, and there was selective burning of Muslim-owned property, such as Padang restaurants, along Ambon's main streets.[27] At least one Butonese school-girl was among several reported killed during the rioting at Gunung Nona, struck by a machete and placed in a sack,[27] and other bodies were found during the following days in the ashes of destroyed buildings, trapped by the rapidly moving flames.[45][48]

20 January attack on Benteng Karang and other villages

Muslim residents of Hitu, Wakal and Mamala were told a rumor early on 20 January that the al-Fatah mosque in Ambon had been desecrated and demolished, and many worshipers massacred; hearsay for which a candidate for village head in Hitu was later arrested on charges of incitement.[27] The irate Muslims of Hitu were to march to Ambon in protest, passing several Christian villages in the hinterland region. In assaults that claimed around 20 lives many villages were partially or wholly destroyed by the 3,000 strong mob.[51][58]

One of the first villages the mob had to pass through on the Ambon road was Benteng Karang, an all-Christian village where they launched their attack.[27] Police warned the residents of Benteng Karang on two occasions they were likely to be attacked, and a group had gathered around the main church shortly before the arrival of the marchers.[27] The marchers allegedly bombed the Catholic Church with a fishing bomb and set fire to three other churches, before attacking the sheltering families of the 40 who sought to defend the village.[27][59] The village was entirely destroyed and 16 died in the massacre, all from Benteng Karang, including one pregnant mother and child.[27][59]

The large movement of Hitu Muslims continued to advance upon Ambon through the mixed-faith hillside villages of Hunuth, Waiheru, Nania and Negeri Lama who were warned of the advance by survivors of Benteng Karang.[27][60][61] Women and children of Hunuth took refuge on boats while the men attempted to defend their property, but soon fled after the death of one defender.[61] A teenage boy and a military veteran were killed and least 40 Christian owned houses, two churches and a health service post were burned in the other villages.[27][60][61]

The movement was confronted by residents at Posso, who had mobilized after hearing of the destruction of Benteng Karang. At the point of contact a group of 10 soldiers attempted to restrain each side from advancing, however the units were forced to withdraw after coming under attack with missiles.[27] The number of armed Posso residents steadily grew to over 100 as the defenders repelled several advances and, eventually, an agreement was negotiated whereby the Hitu Muslims were to return to Hitu in army trucks.[27] Most, however, returned on foot and are known to have murdered a local Protestant minister in the village of Nania also.[27][61]

20 January attack on Hila Bible camp

Some 120 people, which some sources describe as mostly children and teens,[62][63] had been taking part in a 3-day Bible camp on the grounds of a University of Pattimura research station near Hila, when six were killed in an apparent attack by people from the nearby Muslim village of Wakal.[27][59]

Two men from the group were murdered, and their van torched, while travelling through Wakal town after seeking assistance from the military in Hila village to transport the campers.[27][59] Soon after, a truckload of militants arrived at the camp ground and ordered the campers out of the rooms where they had taken shelter, 4 of those who emerged were murdered with machetes,[27][59] 3 adults and an adolescent boy according to some sources.[60] The boy is often referred to as Roy Pontoh,[60][62][63] a 15-year-old Ambonese Christian who is described as having stood up to the militants when asked to renounce his faith and was subsequently murdered with a machete and his body placed in a ditch.[63][64] Other campers were abused, ordered into the main hall and robbed of their valuables.[27][59]

Despite the efforts by residents of both faiths to prevent an assault, the following day Hila village proper was allegedly attacked by a Wakal mob, who murdered one person and looted and torched numerous, mostly Christian, houses.[59] The Dutch-built 18th century Immanuel Church in Hila was also destroyed by arson.[51]

23 January murder of a Kostrad soldier in Benteng

In the first recorded confrontation of security forces and the rioting public several, reportedly Christian, rioters were shot and at least one killed following the stabbing murder of a Balinese member of the Kostrad Strategic Reserve Command in the coastal neighbourhoods of Benteng,[27][50] though the order of events is disputed.[45] Eleven youths, all Christian, were later charged with murder.[27]

Allegedly the soldiers had been intervening in a confrontation of Bugis and Ambonese Christian youths, however people on the Christian side felt the authorities were being overly forceful with the Christian fighters and lashed out at the Kostrad troops, killing Gusti Ngurah Hartawan.[27] In defence, the soldiers opened fire on the crowd, killing one or possibly two.[27][45] Media reports describe a gathering of 200 people marching on the Police headquarters in Ambon in protest.[50]

The same day, after the carnage in Ambon, security forces were given orders to shoot on sight any potential troublemakers,[65] though their use of these powers in several instances called into question whether the new police powers were being abused, or if officers were acting impartially in the conflict.[19][66]

Accusations of police collusion with Muslim fighters were common, and five Muslim residents hiding in a military transport vehicle the day before had been killed after they were allegedly found to be concealing weapons.[65] Media publication, Tempo, suggested the murders were motivated by revenge for the death of a Protestant minister in Nania.[46]

At least 13 were also killed at the Christian village of Waai, Ambon Island, on 23 January after an attack by Muslim residents from Tulehu in a raid that mirrored traditional Ambonese inter-communal fighting.[67] The Muslims are alleged to have declared jihad against the rival Christian village after the displacement of Muslim Butonese to Tulehu, and raided the Waai township with fishing bombs among other weapons.[41][67] Waai authorities counted the deaths of 2 locals and a visitor and killed a further 10 Muslim aggressors in the defense of the town, a number supported by Muslim sources, who claim more Christians were killed.[27][67] Significant tourist infrastructure was also destroyed.

Respite and resumption of fighting in Ambon

After the initial rioting there were several weeks or so of respite from wide scale violence, attributed in part to the deployment of 3,000 more troops, most of whom were from outside Maluku province.[65] Road blocks had been established by their respective factions around villages in Ambon, preventing several possible clashes but also causing transport limitations and food shortages.[41][51] Large numbers of displaced people had taken refuge at military installations[48] and there were even reports of Muslims praying at an Ambon mosque guarded by Christians.[46]

Fighting again resumed in Ambon City on the morning of 23 February following a minor confrontation, the nature of which is disputed.[27][41] It is generally agreed that a Muslim mob formed after the confrontation and was countered by the rapid formation of a rival Christian mob, with each causing damage to property and houses owned by those of the opposing faith.[27] In these early stages of fighting one person is reported to have been killed by security forces and several bombs detonated.[27]

The fighting became more virulent with the reported murder of 5 Butonese passengers of a van near the state Islamic institute by a Christian mob, and a further 8 people were killed in Karang Panjang and Kramat Jaya as homes and a mosque were set alight.[27] Some sources reported up to 23 killed during the day of fighting, mostly Butonese migrants, and several deaths were caused by the actions of security forces.[27][41][52]

March confrontations

On 1 March mobs from the rival faiths confronted each other again and a mob of Ahuru Christians attacked the mostly Bugis and Butonese Rinjani neighborhood, killing a family of 5.[27][68][69] The clashes had restarted as people reacted to incorrect reports that 4 others had been shot inside a mosque by police; 3 Muslims had in fact been killed by security forces in surrounding neighborhoods and brought to the mosque, draped in white sheets.[27][68]

Two more incidents of security force intervention with live ammunition occurred on 6 and 10 February respectively. In the first instance police opened fire on a crowd of Christian youths manning a checkpoint by Silo church, killing one. The plain-clothes police officers had refused to show identification when their vehicles were stopped, and shot at the crowd around the barricade when attacked with home-made weapons.[27] The second intervention happened during another round of clashes by youths armed with petrol bombs and machetes around Batu Merah and Mardika.[57][70] Ten were killed and 30 seriously injured, and almost all the casualties were caused by the police firing into the unruly crowds.[27][71][72]

Start of violence on surrounding islands

Violence had been restrained on surrounding islands despite the fiery deaths of two in Sanana Island riots on the same day as the Ambon rioting.[50] A clash did take place on Ceram after a misunderstanding during a peace initiative by Christians, which saw at least 7 injured and several Muslim houses and market stalls destroyed on 3 February.[40] The next day several dozen houses were burnt in a Christian village in Kairatu, while on 5 February, Christian residents of Kamariang attacked another Muslim village, prompting the police to open fire[48][58] and kill one youth.[27]

14 February Haruku Island shootings

The largest loss of life at the hands of security forces at that stage in the conflict occurred in Kariu on the island of Haruku, when military units used live ammunition to quell a clash between a groups of Christian residents and Muslims from surrounding villages, reportedly killing 23.[40][58][73][74] Accounts differ as to how many died on either side and the total number of dead from the shooting and confrontation may have been around 30, including 4 elderly residents who attempted to flee to the forest to escape the complete destruction of Kariu and the town's main church by the Muslim mob.[27][40][58]

The failure of the military to prevent the destruction of Kariu and the arrest of four Christian police officers falsely accused of firing into the crowd of Muslim aggressors, furthered the belief that the military were biased towards the Muslim militias.[27][65][66] The island was subsequently blockaded by the Navy to prevent movement of possible provocateurs.[74]

23 February Saparua Island clashes

Two large clashes during the night claimed the lives of around 10 fighters, with several deaths attributed to the actions of security forces.[27] In the first case Christian youths were alleged to have provoked Muslim residents of Sirisori to retaliate, claiming 9 lives. The second clash was between two Saparua villages of rival faith and it is disputed as to whether 3 were killed by security forces or the traditional weapons of the civilian fighters, though it was recorded by Republika newspaper that a few automatic weapons were recovered from fighters and one mosque destroyed.[27][58] Another confrontation over the damaging of clove plants happened in Sirisori in July that year, also, killing 6.[57][75]

April Kei Island clashes

Another altercation between youths concerning an 'insult to Islam' on 27 March[76] is alleged to have started wide scale violence on the Kei Islands, south east of Ambon, that claimed up to 80 lives during the first weeks of April, with particularly fierce fighting happening in the capital Tual.[19][77][78][79] In this case groups of Catholics faced Muslim Ambonese, but the use of red and white to signify allegiance and wholesale destruction by fire of 30 or so mainly Muslim villages mirrored the riots in Ambon.[80]

Fierce reprisal attacks were perpetrated by Muslim mobs against the Protestant town of Elaar Lamagorang on 3 April, claiming at least 36 lives in Kei Kecil.[76] Soldiers recovered 20 bodies from burnt out buildings in Kei Besar and Christian sources reported several instances of alleged kidnapping, the massacre of a priest and children and the deaths of 37 Christians; the Muslim death toll was expected to be much higher with at least 24 killed in the Muslim coastal suburbs of Tual and significant attacks against Muslim villages in Kei Kecil.[76][80][81][82] Approximately 200 Kei Island residents are estimated to have died in three months of fighting and the damage and destruction of at least 4,000 houses and businesses displaced about 30,000 civilians.[83]

The undermanned security forces of the Keis faced logistical difficulties caring for the estimated 13,000 residents that sought refuge at military offices, and another 200 soldiers were deployed from Ambon.[79][84] The tripling of troop numbers is cited as helping bring the conflict on the Kei Islands to an early end, alongside the actions of elders to promote local adat custom.[77][85] The violence on the Kei islands was later attributed, in part, to youths and others disregarding the adat teachings of local elders.[83]

Second Ambon riots

On 16 May a gathering of locals from both faiths to celebrate the Moluccan hero, Pattimura, had quickly progressed into a dispute over who was to carry a ceremonial torch, an honor normally reserved for residents from a majority Muslim village that had been offered to Christian villagers as a sign of good-will.[57] A clash between the groups soon followed, and the security forces opened fire on the crowds when they began damaging property again. At least 7 were killed.[86]

The torch ceremony was also being used that year to inaugurate a new security force, the Pattimura military command, which would oversee the Maluku province; the event only served to humiliate the military, who were attacked with missiles by both sides after the intervention with live ammunition.[57][86] The dispute happened days after a peace deal was agreed upon by local leaders of the two faiths,[86] and it was therefore clear that the resentment and violence could not be contained by the formalities of an authority distrusted on both sides after the role of security forces in so many deaths.[57]

July and August chaos

After a clash of drunken youths in the middle-class Poka suburb of Ambon on 23 July and subsequent heavy handed military intervention,[87] fighting intensified to a war-like scale and lead to the deaths of at least a further 34 in the first four days alone, with Ambon hospitals reporting a shortage of blood for transfusion.[88][89] The mostly Chinese-owned business district, which had largely been spared up until that point, was targeted and destroyed by arson[90] and the largest shopping complex in Ambon left entirely gutted.[16][91] In addition, many hundreds of homes and thousands of vehicles were destroyed by arson.[16] On 27 July, three members of a rioting Muslim crowd were killed by police directly outside the Al-Fatah mosque,[92] however few instances of intervention with live fire by security forces were recorded with concrete details. Most agree troops fired directly into the warring crowds, and the Catholic diocese of Ambon officially announced a lack of confidence in the military forces, who it said were supporting the Muslim gangs.[92]

The first large-scale massacre of civilians in a house of worship, as would become common in the conflict, was perpetrated by uniformed gunmen on 12 August against local residents taking refuge in a Galala church.[93] The residents were allegedly locked in the Yabok church and fired on by people wearing uniforms of an elite special forces unit, killing around 25 unarmed civilians, including a priest and children, and the bodies were later burned by a Muslim mob.[89][94]

Fighting in Galala had been particularly fierce, claiming another 14 lives in addition to those massacred,[93] however the majority of fighting had been in Ambon City around the Al-Fatah mosque and nearby Maranatha Church, where the city had split into Christian and Muslim enclaves.[16][80] At least a further 98 had died during early and mid August,[89][95] including all civilians murdered in Galala and 15 killed in Batu Merah on 10 August,[96] however the deployment of one Marine and two Army battalions to Maluku allowed for some calm to return by 16 August.[97]

Small war-like battles between well organised gangs of the rival faiths took place on a daily basis during late August and September, claiming more lives, including one soldier and at least 8 gang members who had been attacking a church on 10 September.[98] In the period between the first riots in Ambon and September 1999, humanitarian organisation Kontras estimated 1,349 had died in communal fighting[16] and that tens of thousands had been displaced to ad hoc refugee centres or other provinces.

Third Ambon riots

During the final quarter of 1999 there had been several large confrontations in the suburbs of Ambon City, the largest claiming 38 lives on 26 November, again around the districts of Mardika.[99] Most of the casualties the result of bullet wounds caused by firearms that only the security forces had access to and, in response, three battalions of military forces were to be withdrawn from Maluku that December and replaced with others that were believed to be not as potentially biased.[100] On 7 December, the governor of Maluku announced aloud the Declaration of Refraining from Violence and Ending the Conflict, signed by senior leaders of all faiths, however no Moluccan religious leaders signed or were party to the drafting of the document.[101]

Massive riots again ignited in Ambon City and surrounding districts on 26 December, and lasted many days, following reports that a 14-year-old Muslim pedestrian was struck by a Christian driver.[102] The intense fighting heralded the widespread use of firearms and home-made bombs by civilian gangs, and claimed at least 68 lives and caused the destruction of the symbolic Silo Church in Ambon City on 26 December.[103][104] Unverified Christian sources state the Silo Church was attacked during a night prayer session by Muslim militants and the security forces were complicit with the attackers; 39 Christians defending the building suffered bullet wounds, mostly from military weapons, and a local fire engine that had arrived to save the structure was fired upon also.[105]

The December confrontations saw the first specific targeting of security forces personnel, claiming the lives of at least 3 members.[106] Sustained sniper fire was recorded originating from buildings nearby the demarcation line separating the two communities in Ambon City and buildings in the commercial district were shelled by Saladin-class armored vehicles of the Indonesian Army to suppress the sniper fire.[106] Further sniper fire targeting ships ferrying displaced people across Ambon Bay to Pattimura Airport was also reported,[106] while other witnesses described security forces both launching mortar attacks and sustained fire with automatic weapons against specific suburbs in Ambon City, mostly by individual troops acting in a partisan manner.[103] Some of the sniper fire has been attributed to Christian Brimob personnel, angered by the destruction of the Silo church, attacking Muslim targets.[107]

Responsibility for security in Maluku province was officially given to the Indonesian military on 29 December 1999, allowing for the army to conduct broader searches and apprehend suspects.[104]

Violence on Seram and Buru Islands

Up to 42 people were killed on neighbouring Seram Island over three days during a raid by Muslim militias on the predominantly Christian town of Alang Asaudi on 3 December, and government forces were criticized for not preventing such a high number of casualties.[108] On 4 January 2000, at least 17 were killed by live ammunition as police opened fire on clashing mobs in Masohi, a port town on Ceram Island, where several hundred houses were also destroyed by arson. A significant number of units were transferred from Ambon the weeks prior to contain the violence, but were largely ineffective in preventing further attacks on property.[109]

Buru Island saw a period of extreme violence between rival groups around Christmas and Ramadan, claiming at least 43 lives on 23 December alone.[110] A total of 165 are believed to have been killed over several weeks,[104] including 117 Christians,[43] and around 250 houses were destroyed by arson during island-wide fighting started by a scuffle outside a plywood factory.[111] Intervention by security forces during the violence on the island was initially minimal[110] and significant number of Buru residents were reported missing in the weeks after the December violence, most taking refuge in the densely forested interior of the island, and the Indonesian military distributed leaflets urging them to return to their villages.[112] Incidents of forced conversion and atrocities such as forced circumcision and the murder of entire families who resisted conversion caused the almost complete displacement of the Christian population of Buru by mid-2000, following the destruction of 17 Catholic and an unknown number of Protestant churches.[43]

Following the Malino agreement, bombing attacks with more powerful explosives became more common in Maluku province. Two of the more significant attacks included the detonation of an improvised explosive device at a stadium in Ambon City that claimed the lives of 4 young women on 4 September 2002,[113] and the detonation of a bomb that had been thrown into a crowd gathered outside an Ambon City hotel and karaoke bar, which killed 4 and wounded 58, on 3 April 2002.[114]

Timeline konflik di Maluku Utara

Konfrontasi awal

Sebagian besar wilayah Maluku Utara damai hingga tanggal 18 Agustus 1999, ketika peresmian kecamatan Malifut yang baru memicu penghancuran dua desa penganut agama campuran Pagu pada hari yang sama. Beberapa orang terbunuh ketika penduduk Kao dari kedua agama dan migran Muslim Makian bertempur selama tiga hari, dan sebagian besar sumber menyatakan bahwa kekerasan dimulai dengan invasi ke Sosol, salah satu dari dua desa yang dihancurkan oleh geng Makian. Sebuah tim pemimpin ditugaskan untuk mengamankan perdamaian oleh pemerintah daerah, namun tidak ada perubahan yang dilakukan terhadap keputusan pemekaran dan ketegangan masih terjadi.[115]

Serangan lebih lanjut di Malifut

Pada tanggal 24 Oktober, orang Makian diduga menyerang lagi lebih jauh ke wilayah Kao, meskipun hal ini dibantah oleh beberapa orang Makian, dan sebagai serangan balik, gerakan Kao yang berkekuatan 5.000 orang membakar 16 desa Makian di subdistrik Malifut yang diperebutkan. Kao yang beragama campuran menekankan sifat non-religius dari kedua pertempuran tersebut dan mengambil kebebasan untuk menghindari penodaan masjid atau sekolah mana pun; hanya 3 orang yang tewas dalam pertempuran tersebut, namun terjadi kerusakan besar-besaran terhadap harta benda masyarakat Makian dan sebanyak 16.000 warga Makian, hampir seluruhnya berada di kecamatan tersebut, mengungsi ke Ternate dan daerah lainnya.[26][30][115][116]

Kerusuhan November di Tidore dan Ternate

Sejumlah besar pengungsi Makian juga melarikan diri ke Tidore, sebuah pulau dengan mayoritas penduduk Muslim. Pada minggu-minggu berikutnya, sebuah surat palsu yang merinci rencana pemindahan paksa warga Makian dari Halmahera dengan dugaan masukan dari lembaga Protestan setempat disebarkan ke komunitas Muslim di Ternate dan Tidore, sehingga memicu ketegangan dan menekan pejabat lokal untuk meminta penjelasan dari para pemimpin Kristen. Kalau dipikir-pikir, dokumen tersebut merupakan tindakan provokasi terang-terangan yang mungkin dilakukan oleh para birokrat Makian, namun pada tanggal 3 November Pendeta Riskotta dibunuh dengan kejam oleh massa Muslim di Tidore saat menghadiri pertemuan untuk membahas kekhawatiran dengan para pejabat, dan diantar ke sana oleh polisi. Tidak ada pemimpin Kristen lainnya yang hadir karena takut akan keselamatan mereka, dan segera setelah pembunuhan Pendeta, massa yang berkumpul menyerang umat Kristen setempat dan harta bendanya, menewaskan 8 orang lagi, dan membakar 3 gereja dan sekitar 260 rumah dalam kerusuhan di seluruh pulau. Pada tanggal 6 November, sebuah geng Muslim yang berjumlah beberapa ratus orang, dipimpin oleh elit politik lokal Makian dan dianggap sebagian besar adalah pengungsi Makian, mengamuk di Ternate dan juga menyerang minoritas Kristen di sana. Pasukan kepolisian Ternate hanya mampu menjaga institusi mereka sendiri dari serangan, namun pengawal tradisional Sultan Ternate, yang sebagian besar terdiri dari Muslim Ternate setempat, sangat efektif dalam melindungi penduduk Kristen setempat dari serangan. Pengawal Sultan telah membangun garis pertahanan yang aman di sekitar wilayah kota, termasuk kawasan bisnis yang sebagian besar dimiliki oleh orang Tionghoa, dan secara fisik berdiri di antara massa dan korban dalam beberapa kasus dan kemudian dipuji karena mencegah potensi pembantaian. Namun setidaknya 4 orang tewas, dan TNI Angkatan Laut kemudian mengevakuasi beberapa ribu warga Kristen di kedua pulau tersebut ke Bintung dan Manado di Sulawesi Utara.

Ketegangan di Halmahera tengah

Beberapa hari setelah kerusuhan Ternate, para provokator Muslim diduga melancarkan serangan terhadap warga sipil Kristen di sub-distrik Payahe dan Gane Barat, keduanya merupakan rumah bagi populasi besar warga Makian. Ada korban umat Kristen di desa Lola, termasuk kematian seorang pendeta. Beberapa ribu warga mengungsi ke Tobelo di Halmahera utara. Penargetan gereja-gereja untuk dirusak dan rumor bahwa sejumlah anak-anak dibunuh oleh para pejuang Makian, serta gambaran ketidakmampuan aparat keamanan melindungi umat Kristen setempat di Tidore dan Ternate, mendorong warga Halmahera untuk membuat senjata rakitan untuk membela diri. Ketidakpercayaan umat Kristiani sebagian besar ditujukan pada migran Makian dan Ternate di Tobelo, seperti yang diungkapkan kepada delegasi politik termasuk Sultan Ternate dan gubernur sementara yang dikirim ke Tobelo pada tanggal 7 Desember, namun rumor tentang "Natal berdarah" atau "Ramadhan berdarah" upaya untuk membersihkan kelompok agama yang berlawanan di Halmahera tersebar di kedua komunitas dan meningkatkan perasaan bahwa kekerasan lebih lanjut tidak dapat dihindari.

Kekerasan pasca Natal di Halmahera

  • 26 Desember 1999: Bentrokan antara kelompok Kristen dan Islam di Gosoma, Tobelo, memicu gelombang kekerasan di wilayah tersebut. Umat ​​Islam mengungsi dari Tobelo ke Soasio, sedangkan umat Kristen mengungsi di gereja GMIH.
  • 27 Desember 1999: Massa Muslim menyerang gereja GMIH dan desa Kristen di Pune. Orang-orang bersenjata dari kedua belah pihak berkumpul di dekat masjid dan gereja di Soatobaru dan Dokulamo. Ledakan bazoka buatan sendiri memicu kerusuhan di Soatobaru pada sore hari. Kekerasan meletus di Tobelo, kota terbesar di Halmahera Utara, antara umat Islam dan Kristen. Milisi Muslim, yang dikenal sebagai Pasukan Merah, menyerang desa-desa dan pinggiran kota Kristen, sementara milisi Kristen, yang dipimpin oleh Sakeus Odara, melakukan serangan balik dan menghancurkan properti Muslim. Keesokan paginya, sebagian besar umat Islam di Tobelo mundur ke masjid utama, Mesjid Raya, yang dikepung oleh militer dan dilindungi dari penyerang Kristen.
  • 28 Desember 1999: Di Ternate, ibu kota provinsi Maluku Utara, sebuah insiden kecil yang melibatkan seorang pengemudi mobil dan anggota Pasukan Kuning, sebuah milisi Muslim pro-Kesultanan, meningkat menjadi bentrokan kekerasan antara Muslim dan Kristen di wilayah tersebut. pusat kota. Pasukan Kuning didukung oleh Makians dan Tidores, sedangkan Kristen bergabung dengan milisi baru yang disebut Pasukan Putih (Pasukan Putih). Pasukan Putih berhasil mendorong Pasukan Kuning kembali ke istana Sultan, dimana gencatan senjata ditengahi oleh Sultan Tidore. Sebuah sekolah Katolik dibakar selama pertempuran.
  • 29 Desember 1999: Milisi Kristen melanjutkan serangan mereka di Halmahera Utara, menargetkan desa-desa Muslim di Gorua dan Papilo. Mereka juga melancarkan serangan terkoordinasi ke Togoliua, tempat banyak umat Islam mengungsi di masjid Mesjid Al Islah. Masjid tersebut dibom dan runtuh, menewaskan banyak warga sipil di dalamnya.
  • Januari 2000: Sultan Tidore dicopot dari jabatan gubernur Maluku Utara. Milisi Pasukan Putih mengubah namanya menjadi Pasukan Jihad dan merekrut ribuan pejuang dari Ternate dan Tidore, di bawah pimpinan Abu Bakar Wahid. Mereka berencana melancarkan serangan besar-besaran terhadap wilayah Kristen di Halmahera Utara.
  • 8 Januari 2000: Pasukan Jihad meninggalkan Tidore menuju Sidangoli, sebuah kota pesisir di Halmahera Utara. Mereka mendapat perlawanan dari masyarakat Kao, kelompok etnis Kristen, yang melakukan mobilisasi di desa Dum Dum.
  • 22 Januari 2000: Pasukan Jihad dan Kao bentrok di kawasan Tabobo, sebelah barat Malifut. Pasukan Jihad menang.
  • Februari-Maret 2000: Pasukan Jihad dan umat Kristiani sering terlibat pertempuran kecil di kecamatan Galela dan Jailolo. Pasukan Jihad menerima bala bantuan dari Ternate dan Tidore, sedangkan pasukan Kristen mengandalkan milisi lokal dan sejumlah dukungan militer.
  • 5 Maret 2000: Pasukan Jihad menyerang desa Makete dan Soatobaru, namun berhasil dihalau oleh milisi Duma, sebuah kelompok Kristen dari Galela.
  • 25 Mei 2000: Pasukan Jihad menyerang Mamua, sebuah desa Kristen dekat Tobelo, namun kembali berhasil dihalau oleh milisi Duma.
  • 29 Mei 2000: Pasukan Jihad melancarkan serangan terakhir ke Duma, namun gagal menangkapnya.
  • Juni 2000: Pasukan Jihad merebut Duma. Pemerintah mengumumkan keadaan darurat yang mengakhiri pertempuran.

Dampak konflik

Tentara anak-anak

Selama konflik, beberapa ribu tentara anak bertempur, secara tidak resmi, dalam milisi sipil kedua belah pihak; sejumlah besar anak-anak yang ikut berperang menjadi yatim piatu atau terlantar akibat pertempuran sebelumnya, dan merasa berkewajiban untuk mengangkat senjata dengan sukarela untuk melindungi atau membalaskan dendam keluarga dan agama mereka..[117][118][119] Dalam bahasa sehari-hari disebut sebagai "pasukan agas" yang diambil dari nama lalat pasir, sekitar dua hingga empat ribu anak berusia tujuh tahun diyakini ikut ambil bagian dalam kekerasan tersebut, kebanyakan anak laki-laki yang bersenjatakan bom molotov dan diarahkan untuk membakar properti milik pihak lawan atau diberikan bom rakitan yang dilemparkan ke arah anggota milisi lawan dan pasukan keamanan.[119] Anak-anak yang lebih tua melakukan serangan bersenjata terhadap pasukan lawan atau sasaran sipil, sementara anak-anak sekolah dasar dan menengah membantu membuat senjata rakitan yang banyak digunakan pada tahun pertama konflik.[119]

Lihat pula

Catatan kaki

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  2. ^ Bertrand 2004, hlm. 122
  3. ^ Duncan, Christopher R. (October 2005). "The Other Maluku: Chronologies of Conflict in North Maluku". Indonesia. Southeast Asia Program Publications at Cornell University. 80: 53–80. JSTOR 3351319. 
  4. ^ Bertrand 2004, hlm. 129–131
  5. ^ Hedman 2008, hlm. 50
  6. ^ Sidel 2007, hlm. 181
  7. ^ Sidel 2007, hlm. 184
  8. ^ Bertrand 2004, hlm. 133
  9. ^ a b Hedman 2008, hlm. 53
  10. ^ a b Kesalahan pengutipan: Tag <ref> tidak sah; tidak ditemukan teks untuk ref bernama laksar2
  11. ^ Elegant, Simon (17 December 2001). "Indonesia's Dirty Little Holy War". Time. Diarsipkan dari versi asli tanggal 23 April 2010. Diakses tanggal 31 March 2011. 
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  13. ^ Sidel 2007, hlm. 187
  14. ^ Hedman 2008, hlm. 54
  15. ^ "Muslims being massacred in North Halmahera: a post-christmas tragedy at the start of the 21st century". Diakses tanggal 31 March 2011. 
  16. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k van Klinken, Gerry (April 2001). "The Maluku Wars: Bringing Society Back In". Indonesia. Southeast Asia Program Publications at Cornell University. 71 (71): 1–26. doi:10.2307/3351455. hdl:1813/54221 alt=Dapat diakses gratis. JSTOR 3351455. 
  17. ^ a b Braithwaite & Dunn 2010, hlm. 166
  18. ^ Hedman 2008, hlm. 296
  19. ^ a b c Bertrand 2004, hlm. 127
  20. ^ Sidel 2007, hlm. 179
  21. ^ Aditjondro, George J. (15 March 2000). "The political economy of violence in Maluku". Issue 397. Green Left Weekly. Diakses tanggal 11 April 2011. 
  22. ^ a b c Hedman 2008, hlm. 46
  23. ^ a b c d Spyer, Patricia (October 2002). "Fire without Smoke and Other Phantoms of Ambon's Violence: Media Effects, Agency, and the Work of Imagination". Indonesia. Southeast Asia Program Publications at Cornell University. 74 (74): 21–36. doi:10.2307/3351523. hdl:1813/54277 alt=Dapat diakses gratis. JSTOR 3351523. 
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